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(TEXAS A&M UNIVERSITY)德州农工大学作业:中国的全球化、国家与中国互联网的发展

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Globalization, the state and China’s internet development in China中国的全球化、国家与中国互联网的发展
TEXAS A&M UNIVERSITY德州农工大学
Decline or weakening of authoritarian state control has been a central theme in the debate over the economic, political and social consequences of globalization减少或者削弱专制主义国家控制,已经成为关于经济、政治和社会全球化后果争论的中心问题。(see Giddens, 1999; Graham, 1999; Hannerz, 1996; Kluver and Weber, 2003; Long, 1996; Stiglitz, 2003; Weber, 2003). Central to this debate is the relationship between the corresponding rise of transnationalism and profound denationalization in developing countries, particularly in the East Asian region, including China. 这场辩论的核心是,发展中国家,特别是东亚的地区,包括中国,国内跨国主义水涨船高和非国有化的深化之间的关系。Discussions over the relationship between the state
and the era of globalization usually presumes the following forces: transnational capital flows and internationalized markets; growing information economy;growth in number and scale of transnational corporations; recognition of shared global risk; and treaties and trade agreements that make national borders increasingly porous and thus less relevant (Goldman et al., 2003).国家和全球化的时代之间的关系讨论,通常假定下列影响因素:跨国资本流动和国际化的市场;不断增长的信息经济;跨国公司数量和规模的增长;全球风险共享识别;使国家边界越来越多多孔,从而减少相关的条约和贸易协定。
This perception of globalization as an overwhelming force that pushes alternate (read non-Western) ideas and practices to the periphery is one perpetuated and sustained through global communication and information networks and the discourse of free trade (Graham, 1999; Stiglitz, 2003).这种把全球化视为一种推动外围替代性(非西方)想法和做法的压倒性力量的想法,它通过全球通信和信息网络是在还有自由贸易的话语成为一个长期存和持续的观念。 However, Giddens (1999) argues that, over time, the notion of globalization has become very much a contested construct that impinges upon and is in turn impinged upon by individual actors and social groups. Accordingly, Hannerz (1996) suggests that the resulting multiplicity of outcomes within this dynamic process is appropriated and contested at the local level by government, business and individuals.This means that ‘globalization, in its many and varied forms, is accompanied by vast social, political, and cultural implications surrounding this dynamic and negotiated transformation’ (Kluver and Weber, 2003: 373).Emerging from this process of negotiation is the simultaneous globalizing and de-globalizing of localities. According to Long (1996), the meaning of globalization is reconciled primarily through localized sets of meanings and practices.Thus, the negotiation of ideologically generated symbols (i.e. global and local), transmitted through information and communication technology (ICTs), become critical to understandings of globalization at the local level(Kluver and Weber, 2003).
Localized responses to the challenges of globalization have been many and varied as governments negotiate the positive aspects of global economic integration and the potentially destabilizing impact on political processes and social stability.面对全球化地化挑战的本地化应对有很多,并且随着政府对全球经济一体化的积极方面和潜在的对政治进程和社会的稳定破坏性的评价而有所不同。 In turn, governments have become extremely adept at reaffirming themselves as central agencies in a new economic regime, rendering earlier predictions that authoritarian states would wither under the sustained pressure of global economic change far less certain. This reaffirmation by governments, particularly in relation to business and commerce, is seen as a necessary way to protect the integrity of traditional political and social structures while securing the most favorable position possible in a competitive global economic landscape (Weber, 2003).
One of the key factors in the Chinese state sustaining its influence and control within a socialist-market economic structure is the re-positioning of the state-run media as a more effective and responsive contributor to economic development through a process of strategic commercialization. 中国政府在社会主义市场经济体制中维持其影响力和控制力的关键因素之一是对国营媒体作为通过战略商品化的过程对经济发展做出更有效和及时的贡献的重新定位。Under China’s economic reform, based on the rubric of ‘Socialism with Chinese Characteristics’,the government has shifted its thinking on the media from seeing it solely as a propaganda tool to harnessing its commercial potential to deliver(sell) audiences (consumers) to advertisers. Accordingly, Chinese media organizations, often in collaboration with global media companies, produce or import cultural commodities (content) – whether television programs,movies, online games or mobile telephone content – that is calculated to ensure maximum returns on capital investment and expenditure by meeting the needs of an emerging consumer-oriented audience. Such cultural commodities are stamped with the ‘sameness’ for interchangeability across media platforms, which increases profitability within a controlled, media market (Weber and Lu, 2004; Wong, 2001).
This focus on commercialization of the media reflects how China is transforming its broader cultural industries (inclusive of the media) through the process of commodification.这种对媒体商业化的关注,反映了中国正如何通过商品化的过程改变其更广泛的文化产业(包括媒体)。 Typically, commodification refers to those processes through which social relations are reduced to an exchange relation (Goldman et al., 2003). However, any discussion of commodification today extends to the cultural economy as it is transformed into a commodity that enhances specific social relations. In the context of new softer authoritarian structures, Wong (2001) suggests that the state continues to exert the most influence over the media in quasi-market economies. In fact, the success of commodification of culture in China is seen by the government as a way of magnifying the types of positive social relations that are not only beneficial but essential for nation-building (guojia jianshe), or the bringing together of peoples by adopting common values and practices (Weber and Lu, 2004; see also Weber, 2003). This process of using the media to reinforce the uniqueness of Chinese values and practices illustrates how the government is challenging the negative aspects of the discourse of globalization upon local political and social structures. Weber (2003) argues that, by supporting a value system that continually evokes the uniqueness of the Chinese race, Confucianism and socialist values, domestic media groups reinforce the notion of an ‘imagined


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